The Pirahã and Environmental Security

“Pirahãs laugh about everything. They laugh at their own misfortune: when someone’s hut blows over in a rainstorm, the occupants laugh more loudly than anyone. They laugh when they catch a lot of fish. They laugh when they catch no fish. They laugh when they’re full and they laugh when they’re hungry. When they’re sober, the are never demanding or rude. Since my first night among them I have been impressed with their patience, their happiness, and their kindness. This pervasive happiness is hard to explain, though I believe that the Pirahãs are so confident and secure in their ability to handle anything that their environment throws at them that they can enjoy whatever comes their way. This is not at all because their lives are easy, but because they are good at what they do” (Everett 2008: 85)

Don’t Sleep, There are Snakes was the first ethnography I ever read and my introduction to the world of anthropology. Looking back at this book now, it looks unlike any of my other anthropological texts. Its pages are unmarred by my pencil, pen or highlighter. I did not know what to look for when I first read these pages; I was innocent, ignorant yet unencumbered.

Looking at this quote now I feel both the academic in me pulling away from the phrasing “I believe that the Pirahãs…” (pronounced pee-da-HAN, by the way) because of its lack of observational and analytic evidence, but also intrigued by this idea that anybody anywhere could feel so comfortable in their environment that they can laugh at anything. This book was written in 2008. What of the Pirahãs now? With the Amazon being cut down and burned to a crisp they surely are living in an extremely unpredictable world. Cultures like these have collected knowledge for generations about the irregularities of their natural environments so that they can be ready when unpredictable environmental phenomenon occur, but now the are faced with the threat of losing that environment for good, no matter the amount of knowledge they possess…

References:

Everett, D.L. 2008. Don’t Sleep There Are Snakes: Life and Language in the Amazonian Jungle. New York, NY: Vintage Books.

Maa

Day 67, 8 – 10 November 2014

There are (at least) two baby goats, one mama dog, four puppies, two children, me and my Maasai mama living in this room. It is dark and hot and smokey. Welcome to the world of the Maasai.

My mama is thirty years old and her name sounds like Melanie but with an N. Nelanie. Communication is near impossible except with gestures, short one-word sentences and laughter. She speaks no Swahili and I speak no Maa. She has three children, and her husband has three other wives (I think). Musa is the youngest (2), then Sirgoit (4) and Langona (10). Today we drank chai, washed dishes, made dinner, and then threw dirt on the roof of the house because of the rain (it being the first rain in awhile).

This house is a sauna that burns your throat and eyes. Some might call it ‘cozy.’ It consists of two wooden beds, a fire pit, and some shelving for pots and pans. The walls are made of thick dark clay and the only light comes from a tiny baseball-sized window and the ever-flaming smokey fire. I sit on my bed as Nelanie cooks chapati soaked in tasty fat. Sirgoit looks at me, his eyes big. He begins to bang on a water canteen, rhythmically, like a drum. I clap my hands on my knees and a big smile spreads across his face. We play simple music together while mama cooks a basic meal with flour, fat, and cooked cabbage. I will never forget Sirgoit’s young smile. He never once speaks to me, but his smile, laughter, and curious eyes are enough to know that he cares, and that through this strange experience we are connected.

Language learning is an important part of the anthropological process. Many languages, especially smaller or threatened languages, cannot be learned beforehand in classes or online, but must be learned simply through immersion.

I have had the amazing experience of being immersed in many different languages, some of them common, like Spanish, French, and Swahili, and some of the uncommon, like Marquesan and Maa. Above is an example of anthropological field notes and language jottings for your enjoyment and curiosity.

Papa’u Ani

On a typically warm morning in Vaitahu, Tehei and I set off from the house in search of a grassy plant called the kakaho, the expedition spurred forth by a conversation with Papa’u Ani held weeks ago. We find patches of kakaho sprouting alongside the single road leading down into the town center. Tehei reaches up the small embankment, and with his machete chops around fifteen stalks of the tall grass. We bundle the grasses in our arms and then walk to Papa’u Ani’s home, just up the hill. 

Fatieua Barsinas, who goes by the nickname Ani, is my oldest informant at the age of 84. He has a beautiful view of Vaitahu Bay, where sailboats often mix with small local fishing boats. When we arrive at Ani’s house he is filleting fish for an afternoon meal. Tehei asks him in Marquesan if he could show us how to construct the traditional fishing torch we had discussed a few weeks before, and so he pushes aside the pink fish flesh and takes the leafy kakaho into his arms. 

Ani ties the stalks together using the bark of a hibiscus tree (tumu fau). While matting down the leaves, he explains that ideally one would strip off the leaves and use only the thick stems of the grass. To prepare for a night fishing trip, he says they might construct five or six of these six to eight foot bundles, attaching dried coconut leaves to the top. Once out in the ocean they would stand the bundles up in the pirogue and light the coconut leaves. The fire burning in the darkness of the night would attract fish. The kakaho, being a very flammable grass, will spatter small sparks and flames on those sitting in the boat, Ani explains. “It’s dangerous,” he says, laughing and swatting at his clothes, imitating what it was like when the flames jumped out.

On July 2nd, 2019 Fatieua Barsinas, known lovingly has Papa’u Ani, passed away. My oldest friend, he had so many fishing stories stored in his memory, most of which I will never have the chance to hear. I am, however, so fortunate and so grateful to have met this wonderful man, a true fisherman, who had a great sense of humor. You will forever be remembered and forever missed, Ani.

It is an anthropologists job to get close to people, and often – especially for somebody studying tradition and changing cultures – elders become significant friends and knowledge-givers. In their old age they have many stories to share. In ethnographies I have often read anthropologists’ sadness at the loss of an important person who informed much of their research, but this is the first time I have experienced it. Anthropology is an emotional field of study; our hearts swell to the brink with incredible relationships, which makes us all the more breakable when these same relationships are inevitably ruptured, whether through leaving a field site, or through leaving this world.

The quote at the top is from my dissertation, titled “Change and Continuity of Fishing Practices in the Marquesas Islands.”

Ethnographic Acceptance – Griaule et Ogotemmêli (1/3)

“But the Dogon came to recognize the great perseverance of Marcel Griaule and his team in their enquiries, and that it was becoming increasingly difficult to answer the multiplicity of questions without moving on to a different level. They appreciated our eagerness for an understanding which earlier explanations had certainly not satisfied, and which was clearly more important to us than anything else. Griaule had also shown a constant interest in the daily life of the Dogon, appreciating their efforts to exploit a difficult country where there was a serious lack of water in the dry season, and our relationships, which had thus extended beyond those of ethnographical enquiry, became more and more trusting and affectionate. In the light of all this the Dogon took their own decision, of which we learned only later when they told us themselves. The elders of the lineages of the double village of Ogol and the most important totemic priests of the region of Sanga met together and decided that the more esoteric aspects of their religion should be fully revealed to Professor Griaule. To begin this they chose one of their own best informed members, Ogotemmêli who, as will be seen in the introduction, arranged the first interview” (Dieterlen 1965:xvi)

An anthropologist’s dream – after fifteen years of asking questions and getting evasive answers, the Dogon finally decided to reveal to Marcel Griaule the inner-workings of their cosmology and cultural philosophy, their ‘deep-knowledge’ as they called it. Fifteen years! Griaule began his ethnographic work in 1931, and finally in 1947, after building intimate relationships and showing consistent interest in the culture, the elders finally agreed to let him into their world. No matter how long it takes, I expect the feeling of accomplishment and humility is overwhelming when this ultimate form of ethnographic acceptance into the culture finally occurs. The interviews between Griaule and Ogotemmêli are recorded in a book called Conversations with Ogotemmêli (Original French version: Dieu d’Eau). I have just started re-reading this book, it was assigned to me long ago during my freshman year of college in a class called “Egypt the Cradle of Civilization.” I only read bits and pieces during the class, but now, some seven years later, I am excited to re-read and see how my understandings of the book have changed after all of these years of anthropological education. More from Ogotemmêli coming next.

References:

Dieterlen, G. 1965. Introduction. In M. Griaule, Conversations with Ogotemmeli: An Introduction to Dogon Religious Ideas. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.

Hugh Brody on Anthropological Writing

“For all that I had written about hunter-gatherer societies, I was left with a deep conviction that I had yet to write about that which is most important. Something lay there that eluded not just me, but many who have experienced another way of life. We write about some facets of it, some surfaces, that we make our business. The gold we find is transformed by the reverse alchemy of our journey, from there to here, into lead. Not into nothing, not into worthlessness, but into a substance that has more weight than light, more utility than beauty, is malleable rather than of great value. What is this reality that gets left behind? It is not simply some kind of otherness. In fact, anthropologists are often skillful at crossing divides between peoples in their field work, but clumsy when it comes to writing up the ‘findings.’ Perhaps the desire for the esteem of peers and critics leads to a tendency to make things unduly complicated or scholarly or heroic–depending on the audience we most need to impress” (Brody 2001, p. 4-5).

Hugh Brody is a writer and filmmaker. He has spent most of his career working with hunter-gatherers. His writings are lyrical, personal and at times philosophical and his films are thought-provoking, honest and beautiful. If you are somebody who is just beginning in the world of anthropology, I highly recommend looking into Hugh Brody because his work is accessible to all audiences, and is not overfilled with anthropological jargon.

References:

Brody, H. 2001. The Other Side of Eden: Hunter-Gatherers, Farmers, and the Shaping of the World. London: Faber and Faber Limited.

Fieldwork

“[Anthropology] encourages one to embrace the whole world as one’s home and, thus, made me feel at home in the world. I soon learned, however, that practicing anthropology ironically meant that I would have to put myself in situations where I would feel emphatically out of place. Whenever I conduct fieldwork, whether in Papua New Guinea, Tahiti, or elsewhere, my sense of self and place get rattled. I feel, as Foucault has said of ships, like ‘a floating piece of space, a place without a place’ (Foucault 1986, p. 27). I am always the awkward outsider – observing, listening, learning, and responding from a place in between. Trying to feel at home in the home of someone else, I face my ultimate challenge – to go from feeling dislocated to feeling ensconced – a Sisyphean task that can never be accomplished” (Kahn 2011, p. 6).

For those of you unfamiliar with anthropology, the classic methodological tactic is called “participant observation” in which the researcher works to live as a member of the culture in which s/he studies. By participating in the everyday life and cultural activities of his/her given research area, the researcher has both their own feelings and experiences as well as their observations of others to try and understand cultural dynamics. Thus, a researcher’s own body is a tool and their thoughts can be data (I will acknowledge the great debate of subjectivity vs. objectivity in anthropology here, but I will not discuss it). Another key component of anthropology, however, is long-term research, key because it takes years for a researcher “to grasp the native’s point of view, his relation to life, to realise his vision of his world” (Malinowksi 1961, p. 25). And even after years of living within a given community, your sense of self may have shifted but you can never be a “true” local, you will always be looking in from the outside.

This of course, is only a very short synopsis of participant observation and an anthropologist’s use and sense of self during fieldwork… My experience with these matters only spans a few years and thus I do not proclaim myself an expert, only an amateur.

Shout out to those out there completing fieldwork now. I don’t have a PhD, so I don’t know what it feels like to do a whole continuous year of fieldwork, but I have spent time living and researching in foreign places and this quote resonates with me.

References:
Kahn, M. 2011. Tahiti Beyond the Postcard: Power, Place and Everyday Life. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press.
Malinowski, B. 1961[1922]. Argonauts of the Western Pacific. New York, NY: E.P. Dutton & Co., Inc.